[I’ve not had time to dig into this. But this seems very, very interesting. There were stacks of Jews in Poland. Poland had the highest percentage of Jews in the population. From what I’ve been able to grasp, it seems the Jews worked hard to incite an intense hatred of Germany in the Poles. The Jews also had a high status in Poland. But it seems as if, below, the Jews later did some despicable things to the Poles!
You’ve heard the lies about the "German genocide of 6 million Jews” – but here we have actual evidence of Jewish actions against Poles … in their own country! Notice how Israel, as usual, does not extradite Jews for trial in other countries. The Jews can do anything the hell they please, and they are never put on trial anywhere regardless of their crimes. But whites end up in prison everywhere. Look at how this Polish man was thrown into jail! Its no different to the Germans in Germany! Everyone goes to jail … except the Jews! Jan]

Have anybody of you read about jewish concentration camps for Poles in Poland ?
Yes, such camps existed in Poland !!!  My Father Zenon Gawroński was a prisoner a Jewish concentration camp in Poland / Jaworzno from 1946 to 1956.

My name is Rafał Gawroński and, like my Father, I am being victimised in my own country, that is still occupied by the jews to this very day.

For writing this petition I spent 5 months in prison !!!


If you would like more information here are some details about one of the many jews accused of committing genocide against the Poles.

Salomon Morel (November 15, 1919 – February 14, 2007). Morel fled to Israel and was granted citizenship under the Law of Return. Poland twice requested his extradition , but Israel refused to comply and rejected the more serious charges as being false, potentially part of an antisemitic conspiracy, and again rejected extradition on the grounds that the statute of limitations against Morel had run out, and that Morel was in poor health.

In 1989, Morel was interviewed by a prosecutor in Poland, Piotr Brys, about his role in the Schwientochlowitz camp.

“Good day,” Brys began. “I’m going to interrogate you in the case concerning the camp at Swietochlowice. You can be prosecuted for perjury on the basis of Article 172 of the Penal Code, but you have the right not to answer me on the basis of Article 166, Paragraph 1.”

“All right,” said Shlomo calmly.

“Did you work at Swietochlowice?” said Brys.

“Yes. I was the commandant there.”

“You were the commandant starting when?”

“The first days of February, 1945.”

“As commandant what did you do?”

“I commanded that camp.

“Some people died at Swietochlowice. What of?”

“Typhus,” said Shlomo.

“And where were they buried?”

“At the cemetery in Swietochlowice.”

Was there a torture cell at Swietochlowice?”

“No, not that I know of,” Shlomo said.

A few weeks later Brys again met with Morel, and brought a supposed “victim” of the camp, a woman named Dorota Boreczek, who was Polish and age 15 in 1945. The camp was supposed to be for Germans.

She accused Shlomo of war crimes and was brought to identify him. When asked if she recognized the man in front of her, Mr. Morel, she replied to Brys that she did not recognize the man in front of her. When told who he was, she said to him, “You did the same thing the Fascists did!”

“I don’t know what you’re talking about,” said Shlomo.

“Well, that’s what the Fascists say,” Dorota continued. “They don’t know what we’re talking about, about Auschwitz. You murdered people,” Dorota explained, getting louder. “Why did you do it? Why?”

“You’re lying,” said Shlomo.

Near him was Brys, who was listening carefully, and Shlomo stayed as serene as a Buddha, “The prisoners at Swietochlowice loved me. A guard even married me.” Shlomo married a Catholic Polish woman (5).

A few days later Mr. Morel came back with a four-page answer. He said that the prisoners at Swietochlowice were always treated well.

There should be one measure for judging war criminals, irrespective whether they are German, Israeli or any other nationality
Ewa Koj
Polish Institute for National Remembrance


Response by the State of Israel to the application for the extradition of Salomon Morel and a report by Dr. Adam Dziurok and Prosecutor Andrzej Majcher on the subject of Salomon Morel and the history and operation of the camp at Świętochłowice-Zgoda.

Adam Dziurok, District Bureau of National Education, Institute of National Remembrance [["IPN”]atowice; Stefan Cardinal Wyszyński University, Warsaw.
Andrzej Majcher, prosecutor at the Regional Commission for the Investigation of Crimes against the Polish Nation, IPN Katowice.
Salomon Morel and the camp at Świętochłowice-Zgoda
Salomon[1]<[1] Morel was born on 15 November 1919 in Garbów (powiat of Puławy). Until 1934 he lived in his home village, where his father owned a bakery. Later, until 1939, he worked in a clothing firm in Łódż. When war broke out he returned to Garbów. Morel began his adventures with communism in November 1942, when he and his brother joined the partisans. In a resume written in 1947, he recalls that upon orders from the Polish Workers Party [PPR[PPR]l, his unit destroyed dairies and burned local government offices[2]<[2]. In the partisan units of the People’s Army, Morel fought under the command of Capt. Chil, who said that Morel took part in all his unit’s ”operations and engagements” and “performed his tasks very well”[3]<[3]. Because they were in the forest at the time, Salomon and his brother Icek escaped the fate of other members of their family – in December 1942, the navy-blue police arrested and then shot their mother, father and brother. For a while, Morel and his brother hid at the house of a neighbour – Józef Tkaczyk[4]<[4].
Following the occupation of the Lublin region by the Red Army in the summer of 1944, Morel and a group of Jewish partisans lived at Ogrodowa St. in Lublin. Soon (probably as of 1 August), all of them found work in the militia or Office of Public Security [UB][UB]rel was hired as a guard in the infamous prison inside Lublin Castle, where members of the Home Army [AK][AK]e tortured, among others. He was formally appointed a guard only on 9 November 1944. Chances of a rapid career for him seemed hopeless when a report, dated 30 November 1944, was produced by Lieutenant-Colonel Antoni Stolarz, commandant of the investigative prison in Lublin. In this report, Stolarz suggested the dismissal – as a “harmful element in the prison administration”- of six guards, including Morel,  “because they do not perform their duties conscientiously, do not attempt to comply with prison regulations and behave arrogantly, whereby they sow rumours about me, as a result of which they make my work difficult and undermine my authority”. A decision was quickly reached by the Department of Prisons and Camps. Contrary to what one might expect, the insubordinate guards were not dismissed. Instead, they strengthened the ranks of guards in other prisons – SergeantSalomon Morel was referred to the prison in Tarnobrzeg. On 18 December 1944, Walenty Warchoł, commandant of the Tarnobrzeg Prison, wrote that Morel had reported for duty in that prison[5]<[5]. Less than 2 months later, on 15 February 1945, Morel and an operational group from the Ministry of Public Security [MBP[MBP]t for Upper Silesia. There, he was almost immediately placed in charge of the camp at Świętochłowice.  Morel assumed such an important position despite the negative opinion about him as a “harmful element in the prison administration” (he was then 26 years old), though he himself claimed that he was not prepared for this work – having received no training ”either in schools or on courses”[6]<[6].
Located in the industrial part of Upper Silesia, Świętochłowice belonged to Poland before the war. The Zgoda [“["Harmony”]nt in the town was engaged in the manufacture of machinery for the mining and steel industries. When the German armed forces entered Świętochłowice, the plant was adapted to the manufacture of anti-aircraft cannon, and in this way the Zgoda plant  (Eintrachthütte) became a munitions factory. To ensure adequate manpower, forced labour was introduced to the plant in 1942, and 180 Jews were assigned to the plant. This did not fully satisfy needs, therefore in May 1943 it was decided to employ inmates of the Auschwitz concentration camp in the Eintrachthütte. The average rate of mortality in the camp was several dozen prisoners per week. The evacuation of the prisoners took place in two stages: in December 1944 and on 23 January 1945. There were still over 1,200 prisoners in the camp prior to the final evacuation[7]
The beginnings of the Zgoda camp
After the prisoners had been evacuated, the sub-camp belonging to the Auschwitz concentration camp was empty only for a few weeks. Its well-preserved infrastructure (fencing, watch towers, barracks for prisoners, accommodation for personnel) and its convenient location were quickly exploited by the communist authorities. Because of its localisation in a densely populated industrial zone only a dozen or so kilometres from the centre of Katowice, it was easy to transport prisoners to the camp. Prisoners from Katowice and surrounding area were marched to the camp on foot. Some were taken there by streetcar, and those from outlying parts of Silesia, such as Bielsko or Nysa, were taken by train. The prisoners held in the camp could be used as labour in the numerous industrial plants in the area. The fact that Świętochłowice was the seat of the UB administration for the powiat of Katowice was certainly not without significance. This was located near the Market Hall, to which several hundred detainees were sent at the end of February 1945 before being accommodated in the Zgoda camp. Already in the Market Hall, the prisoners were tortured by the UB officials. Before the prisoners were relocated to the camp, the place was tidied up and disinfected. Some detainees awaited the completion of this work in the neighbouring sub-camp close to the Polska mine[8]
At the beginning of its period of operations, the camp was probably governed by two men: Aleksy Krut and Salomon Morel. Aleksy Krut, a 20 year-old UB officer who came to Upper Silesia with the operational group in February 1945, wrote in his resume in 1947 that he was commandant of the Labour Camp at Świętochłowice between March and May 1945[9][10]
 The camp inmates
The basis for placing persons inside the camp was provided by several legal instruments, but according to the records of the Special Prosecutor’s Office of the Criminal Court in Katowice, the firm majority of the internees at the Świętochłowice camp were placed there under the terms of the decree of the Polish National Liberation Committee [PKWN][PKWN]November 1944 “on security measures vis-a-vis traitors to the Nation”[11]
Many Upper Silesians with German citizenship who lived inside the Third Reich before the war were also sent to the labour camps. As early as 9 February 1945, the voivode of Silesia decreed that all Germans and Volksdeutsche from groups I and II had to register for work[12]
However, questions regarding the Volksliste and the internment of German nationals do not explain everything, for people were sent to the camp on the basis of rather vague criteria, and one of the reasons for doing so was certainly material gain, in other words a desire to seize an internee’s property. Many people were imprisoned in the camp only because they had no identity documents with them[13][14]
When one examines the lists of prisoners who died at the Świętochłowice camp, one might conclude that most of them were in Group II of the Volksliste (chiefly inhabitants of Katowice, Bielsko, Chorzów and Świętochłowice). A smaller group comprised citizens of the Third Reich (Reichsdeutsche) – mainly from Bytom and Gliwice. Among those who died in the camp were at least 139 people from Group III of the Volksliste, which means that many more such people were interned there. Thirty nine people who died in the camp were not on the Volskliste at all. The firm majority of the internees were inhabitants of Upper Silesia and the Opole area, but there were also inhabitants of, for example, Lwów, Drohobycz, Tomaszów, Poznań and Nowy Sącz; a small number of people from the Dąbrowa Basin (10 of them died in the camp), Germans from deep inside the Reich, and at least 38 citizens of other countries (19 Austrian citizens, one Belgian, seven Romanians, seven Czechs, two Yugoslavs and two Frenchmen). This has been determined on the basis of lists of persons of various nationalities interned in the camps and prisons[15][16][17]
Other preserved documents of the Ministry of Public Security contain lists of internees divided into the following categories: Poles, Jews, Ukrainians, Germans, Volksdeutsche, German collaborators, and others. The Poles included primarily members of independence organisations: the Home Army and the National Armed Forces. According to the statistics, there were only a few such people in the Świętochłowice camp. Several Ukrainians were imprisoned there, and many Germans (the most numerous group in August 1945, when there were 1,733 of them in the camp, 1/3 of the total number of prisoners). All Upper Silesians living on the territory of the Reich were also included among the Germans. During the camp’s early days, prisoners of war were also accommodated there (there were 25 of them in April), as well as persons held under Soviet authority[18][19][20][21][22]
The camp authorities estimated that the camp can accommodate 1,400-1,500 people. Already at the end of March 1945 there were 1,062 in the Świętochłowice camp. It quickly became full. Morel said that initially, as much as 300-500 new prisoners were accepted per day[23][24]
Table 1. Number of prisoners at the Labour Camp in Świętochłowice
Categories of prisoners
Number as at
31 III 1945
1 V 1945
1 VI 1945
1 VII 1945
1 VIII 1945
1 IX 1945
Source: AAN, MBP, call no. 13/1, pp. 3, 22, 178, 261, 360; call no. 13/3, p. 30; see also: „Obóz Pracy w Świętochłowicach w 1945 roku…, Raporty statystyczne o zaludnieniu obozu”[the L[the Labour Camp at Świętochłowice in 1945….Statistical reports on the camp population]37-39, 41-44, 46-47, 51-52.
Although the Świętochłowice camp bore the official title of a labour camp, it also fulfilled the function of a penal camp. The prisoners of barrack 7 worked neither inside nor outside the camp, therefore for them it was a penal camp, though of course none of them had been sentenced by a court verdict. Many people from the Świętochłowice camp were sent to work in neighbouring coalmines and steelworks where there were camps. Prisoners also worked at the Zgoda steelworks opposite the camp, where they dismantled machines and loaded them onto carriages[25][26][27][28][29][30]
Epidemics and mortality
Hunger reigned in the camp from the very beginning. Some groups of prisoners received nothing to eat at all for several days, and the normal daily ration was a slice of bread and watery soup. Prisoners’ descriptions of the ingredients of the soup vary – nettles, hair, sometimes a piece of cabbage, maize or carrot – but all agree that basically, it was just hot water without any fat. All the witnesses talk of the hunger that reigned in the camp; some recall eating grass or scraps of food that they found. The prisoners had no plates or cutlery – they only had old, rusted tin cans, and sometimes one can had to be shared between many prisoners. They were given no soap or other cleaning agents, in the shower block there was only cold water[31]
The tragic sanitary conditions and low food rations led to a widespread epidemic of dysentery, typhus and typhoid. Realising the danger, the doctors vaccinated the camp staff against typhus.[32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41][42]
Responsibility for such a terrible death toll of the epidemic was shouldered upon the camp commandant, who had failed to ensure that prisoners had basic sanitary conditions. Lieutenant-Colonel Teodor Duda, director of the Department of Prisons and Camps, punished Morel with a three-day house arrest and a deduction of 50% of his pay for allowing the spread of the typhus epidemic and for failing to notify his superiors in good time, as well as for other distortions in running the camp[43][44][45][46][47]
Commandant Morel did not obey the directives of the MBP regarding sanitary conditions. In November 1945, Stanisław Pizło, deputy director of the Department of Prisons and Camps, said in memorandum no. 107 that in some camps and prisons, the inmates are not deloused, there are no transitory cells, there are no cells in which to isolate patients in the case of infectious diseases, such cases are deliberately kept secret, etc.  He added that some commandants of prisons and camps had already been punished for these offences[48]
Only after the typhus epidemic had been overcome and living conditions had improved were prisoners allowed to send information to their families telling them where they were. The camp commandant himself did not even notify the prosecutor of the fate of prisoners inside the camp[49][50]
Prisoners recalled that food parcels sent in by their families were confiscated by the guards. There were cases where the relatives of dead prisoners brought food parcels without knowing that the prisoners were already dead. The guards received the parcels, without telling the relatives that the addressee was dead[51][52]
 The torture of prisoners
Death in the camp was caused not just by the typhus epidemic, the malnutrition of prisoners and the tragic sanitary conditions. Prisoners also died as a result of wilful mistreatment by the camp personnel.
From the very beginning, the most varied methods of torment were applied to prisoners (extensive evidence of this has been gathered during investigations). Groups of prisoners brought to the camp were made to stand in the camp square for many hours, without food or drink, and sometimes in bad weather. Some prisoners spent at least a dozen or so hours in this state, and some as much as 72 hours.
The beating of prisoners was a daily occurrence. The ritual of the organised tormenting of prisoners took place virtually every night, especially in barrack no. 7, known as the Deutsches Haus or the “brown barrack,” where mostly men accused of membership of the Nazi party and Hitler Youth were accommodated.
On many occasions, Salomon Morel beat prisoners personally, using his bare hands or implements such as a pistol butt, truncheon or stool.  Other camp officials also beat prisoners in his presence.
One particularly cruel way of tormenting prisoners was to make them stand in two rows facing each other and beat each other. If someone did not want to beat his fellow prisoner or did so too weakly, he was himself beaten by the camp personnel. Prisoners succumbed to this and beat each other. In several documented cases, fathers and sons were forced to beat each other. Turnkeys, so-called “capos,” were also compelled to take part in beatings. Some of them refused to do so and were themselves beaten if they beat other prisoners too weakly, but others became just as cruel as the regular camp personnel.
Prisoners were debased and terrorised. For instance, they were forced to sing Nazi songs, which Salomon Morel himself ordered. To avoid an extra beating, the witness Gerhard Gruschka had to learn the words of a Nazi song in a Polish camp.
A particularly drastic form of torture was making prisoners lie on top of each other in layers, resulting in a so-called pyramid consisting of over a dozen men. According to various descriptions, one layer was formed of three or four men, and the men in the next higher layer lay perpendicular to those below. In this way, a pyramid was created as tall as an adult male. All the prisoners were beaten continuously, and those in the bottom layers suffered extensive internal injuries, resulting in the deaths of many of them.
Many prisoners were also forced to lie on the ground and were trodden upon. This, too, caused internal injuries and, in some cases, death.
Furthermore, prisoners were placed in a cell for several hours and made to stand in water that reached up to their chests. Some of them drowned. Some witnesses directly indicate Salomon Morel as the one who issued such order[53]
Some prisoners attempted to escape – according to the documentation, 69 of them succeeded[54][55][56][57]
The extreme camp conditions, hunger and torture resulted in the psychological collapse of prisoners held in Zgoda. On many occasions, prisoners recalled cases of other prisoners throwing themselves against the high-tension fence (Morel wrote in November 1992: ”there was not a single case of a prisoner throwing himself against the fence, There was absolutely no reason to do so, because the people there felt good and had no illnesses, and the barracks were open and they could stroll around the square”[58][59]
Liquidation of the camp
The release of prisoners from the Swiętochłowice camp should be associated with by Minister Stanisław Radkiewicz’s order of 15 September 1945 regarding the settlement of the question of persons detained without a prosecutor’s indictment. As we know, virtually all the prisoners in Zgoda were placed there without a prosecutor’s indictment[60][61][62][63][64]
One should note that out of the several thousands of prisoners, only a handful were subsequently brought to justice – documents were found indicating that several former prisoners at Świętochłowice were convicted of crimes connected with the German occupation. One of them, a resident of Bielsko from group II on the Volksliste, received four years in prison for belonging to the National Socialist Corps of Motor Vehicle Drivers [NSKK][NSKK]or tormenting the Polish population during the war[65][66]
On the basis of the preserved reports on the population of the Świętochłowice camp, it can be established that during the camp’s almost nine months of operation, at least 5,764 prisoners were accommodated in it. One third of them did not survive.
 Investigations and charges
Investigations into the functioning of the Zgoda camp at Świętochłowice in 1945 were initiated by a letter dated 11 December 1989 to the Minister of Justice from Erno Kołodziejczyk about the death of his father Paweł Benczek in Świętochłowice. Action in this matter was undertaken by the Regional Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Atrocities in Katowice, which interviewed a series of witnesses. Salomon Morel was one of those interviewed in this connection in 1991. According to the regulations governing the competencies of individual bodies of authority at the time, in 1995 the matter was handed over to the Voivodship Prosecutor’s Office in Katowice, with a request that charges be formulated against Morel. The Voivodship Prosecutor’s Office in Katowice prepared an indictment containing 9 charges against Salomon Morel, and then,, in March 1998, the Polish Ministry of Justice submitted to the authorities of Israel a first application for Morel’s extradition. It was rejected because under Israeli law, the crimes of which Morel was accused had lapsed under the statute of limitations.
On 27 July 2001, the Regional Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Atrocities in Katowice took over the investigation, interviewing successive witnesses and – thanks to the cooperation of historians from the IPN Bureau of Public Education in Katowice – obtaining access to many hitherto unknown documents on the subject of the camp’s functioning.
On the basis of the evidence thus gathered, the charges against Salomon Morel were extended and the legal qualification of his deeds was changed to Communist crimes against the population. This stance was shared by the Regional Court in Katowice which, on 19 December 2003, issued a warrant for the temporary arrest of Salomon Morel on the basis of the modified charges.
The main charge against Salomon Morel is that, as commandant of the Zgoda camp at Świętochłowice, he created for the prisoners in this camp, out of ethnic and political considerations, conditions that jeopardised their lives, and in particular he:
·        starved the prisoners by introducing glaringly low food rations;
·        he deprived the prisoners of elementary health care and hygienic-sanitary conditions, allowing the emergence and spread of pediculosis, dysentery, typhus and typhoid;
·        he personally applied, and permitted the officials under his authority to apply, various forms of torture to prisoners, involving:
–         beating them all over their bodies, including on the head and hands; kicking and beating them with the aid of various objects: sticks, wooden stool legs, rubber truncheons, tubes sheathed in rubber, metal rods and wooden stools, which in many cases caused extensive injuries and, on many occasions, death;
–         Placing prisoners in cells for several hours with water reaching up to their chests, which, in some cases caused death by drowning;
–         Making prisoners lie on top of each other in layers, resulting in a so-called pyramid consisting of over a dozen men, which caused extensive internal injuries to the men in the lower layers and, consequently, death;
–         Making prisoners lie on the ground and treading upon them, which caused extensive injuries and, in some cases, death;
The second charge involves various forms of physical and mental torment of prisoners, including:
  • beating,
  • forcing them to lick coal dust off the floor,
  • forcing them to beat each other – this includes two documented cases of fathers and sons being forced to beat each other;
  • forcing them to stand in the camp square without food and drink for many hours, sometimes in adverse weather conditions;
·        forcing them to sing Nazi sons and giving them additional beatings if they did not know the words.
      The charges against Morel have been based primarily on the evidence of over 100 witnesses, including 58 former inmates of the Zgoda camp at Świętochłowice.
Further information on the functioning of the Świętochłowice camp can be found in::
Obóz Pracy w Świętochłowicach w 1945. Dokumenty, zeznania, relacje, listy [Labou[Labour Camp in Świętochłowice in 1945. Documents, testimonies, reports, letters]ted and edited by and with an introduction by Adam Dziurok, Warsaw 2002, p. 248, series: IPN Documents, vol 7.
Obozowe dzieje Świętochłowic Eintrachthűtte – Zgoda [Histo[History of the Świętochłowice Eintrachthűtte-Zgoda camp]Adam Dziurok, Katowice-Świętochłowice 2002, pp. 160, series: IPN Conferences, vol. 5 (contains a list of victims – also on the IPN website at

Leave a Reply

%d bloggers like this: